Post-election protests continued in recent days in Chicago, Portland, and Omaha. Black Friday was displaced in Seattle by a Black Lives Matter protest of about 1,000 people combining police brutality and anti-Trump themes. But voters soundly rejected left-wing strategies of disruption when they dismissed Hillary Clinton, who aligned herself with the BLM movement, heavily financed by George Soros.
Her loss was a major setback for cultural Marxism and its contemporary manifestations, a pernicious ideology that deserves to be squarely acknowledged in order to permanently eject it from America’s public square.
The Black Lives Matter movement was born in 2013, “rooted in the labor and love of queer Black women” as founder Alicia Garza explains.
Two years later, it had morphed into a sprawling, chaotic indictment of police brutality, indifferent to facts (twice as many whites were killed by police in 2015 than blacks, for example) and directly linked to revenge killings of innocent officers.
By June 2015 the fringe nature of BLM’s ideology was obvious.
Following the Orlando, Fla., nightclub slaughter of 49 people by an Afghani radicalized Muslim, BLM posted a bizarre response: “The enemy is now and has always been the four threats of white supremacy, patriarchy, capitalism, and militarism. These forces and not Islam create terrorism. These forces, and not queerness, create homophobia.”
Asked about BLM protests in 2015, Donald Trump told Fox News, “I think they’re trouble,” a month after Hillary Clinton was filmed in a private meeting asking its leaders for policy points.
At the Democratic National Convention, a group of African-American “Mothers of the Movement” endorsed Clinton who was still promoting BLM — despite its role in provoking the murder of five Dallas police officers and three officers in Baton Rouge.
At the Republican Convention, on the other hand, Wisconsin Sheriff David Clarke got a standing ovation with his first five words: “Blue lives matter in America!”
The Fraternal Order of Police endorsed Trump in September, while Clinton refused even to complete the FOP’s questionnaire.
Proof that Americans side with order over radical ideology came in a Gallup poll in late October: More than three-fourths of Americans have “a great deal” of respect for their police officers, up 12 percent over 2015 — evidence that BLM provocations may have helped create momentum for Trump’s victory.
What mesmerized Hillary Clinton about this fatally flawed, ideologically bent group? Her mentor, Saul Alinsky
Strategically, Black Lives Matter follows Rules for Radicals, a 1971 treatise written by Hillary Clinton’s mentor, the infamous Chicago community organizer, Saul Alinsky, a Marxist ideologue, and subject of Hillary Clinton’s college thesis.
Alinsky advocated confrontation and polarization as techniques for gaining power, especially for minorities.
“The end justifies almost any means,” Alinsky wrote.
In his speech to the Republican National Convention, Dr. Ben Carson pointed to the Clinton-Alinsky connection, noting that Clinton’s adviser dedicated his most famous book to Lucifer, the devil.
But Alinsky was no lone antagonist.
He was a disciple of the Frankfurt School, dedicated to using culture to defeat the “establishment” rather than class conflict — Karl Marx’s classical engine of revolution.
The Frankfort School concluded that to end working class passivity, the pillars of Western civilization, especially the nuclear family and Christianity, had to be destroyed. This is cultural Marxism.
Hungarian Marxist Gyorgy Lukacs is a founding father together with Italian Antonio Gramsci. Appointed as a minister of culture in 1919, during the short lived Bolshevik government, Lukacs implemented sex education in public schools across Hungary to undermine parental and Church authority.
Key members of the Frankfurt School were welcomed to New York when Nazism drove them from Germany.
Among them, Herbert Marcuse, known as the father of the New Left, promoted “polymorphous perversity” — unleashing sexuality as a form of liberation to challenge Western norms — adapting Freudian ideas for political ends. Surprisingly, from 1943-1950, Marcuse worked for the CIA’s predecessor organization and the U.S. Department of State.
Marcuse’s essay Repressive Tolerance (1965) openly argues for censoring opponents on the right.
Ideas promoted by the Frankfurt School are so embedded in U.S. universities, “progressive” political movements (Occupy Wall Street, for example), and the Democratic Party, that Catholic EWTN TV commissioned a full-length documentary on Alinsky and his progenitors, “A Wolf in Sheep’s Clothing,” this year.
What the film makes clear is how prevalent cultural Marxism is.
Marxists consider themselves an elite political vanguard, rationalizing the pursuit of power through deception and subversion.
When Clinton campaign chairman John Podesta’s emails were made public via WikiLeaks, Catholics saw irrefutable evidence that Hillary Clinton’s right-hand man was plotting revolution within the Church.
Podesta brags to an activist friend (who describes Catholic bishops as running a “middle ages dictatorship”) that he had helped set up two organizations to foment conflict within the Church—fronts already suspected by some Catholic writers.
U.S. bishops were furious, calling on Clinton to apologize for her campaign’s “contemptuous anti-Catholic” prejudice.
Although unnamed, George Soros (an atheist who bankrolls revolution) funded Podesta’s goal: The billionaire invested $4.5 million between 2000-2014 in pseudo-Catholic groups, including Catholics for a Free Choice,which promotes abortion.
Even abortion is linked to Marxist ideology: Vladimir Lenin advocated abortion over 100 years ago; the Soviet Union was the first country in the world to legalize it in 1920.
The 2016 electoral confrontation was a wake up call: Marxist ideology did not die with the fall of the Soviet Union. It is alive. Its new commissars are at work, here, in the U.S, with unlimited budgets.
They lost this time. Don’t expect them to surrender.